Cause and Effects of the Rise in Cohabitation

Ca go for and Effects of the Rise in Cohabitation late decades excite witnessed a dramatic stick up in cohabitation in very much of Western Europe including the United res publica (Ermisch 2005 Ermisch and Francesconi 2000a Haskey 2001 Kiernan 2001 Murphy 2000). This rise has witnessed place against a dramatic decline in wedding party judge. A so-c entirelyed golden age of marriage that prevailed in the United Kingdom from the 1950s up to the 1970s (Festy, 1980), has been eroded. Marriage is no seven-day the scoopful marker of send-off union nor the pre-eminent context within which children atomic number 18 natural(p) (Kiernan, 2001). The decline in the popularity of marriage indicates that no longer is marriage seen as the nevertheless organizing principle for kins (Hall, 1993 8) and therefore legal marriage has given manner to a variety of optional non-traditional organizes of life-time to fither (Boh, 1989 This essay testament seek to examine whether the rise in cohabitation will witness a decline in marriage to a point where marriage is a rare phenomenon. This will entail an analysis of statistical evidence on both cohabitation and marriage and the explanations that give birth been provided. These take notions of selfish individualism (Morgan, 2000), notions of the democratic, accordant and pure relationship (Giddens, 1992 Beck-Gernsheim, 2000), Beckers (1973, 1981) model of marriage, the common-law marriage myth, commitment in cohabiting stopnerships, and the enjoyment of holdd law to create a DIY variety of marriage (Dun faeces et. al. 2005).The sixties and the early 1970s was a golden age of marriage in the United Kingdom during which marriage was highly popular among the new ages (Kiernan Eldridge 1987) and a record peak of 480,285 marriages was recorded in 1972 (ONS, 2008). However, since the 1970s there project been considerable changes amounting to a structural lurch in individuals demographic behaviour and societal norm s (Haskey, 2001) and among these are increases in divorce and in cohabitation, that is, in duads who live together in intimate relationships withtaboo macrocosm legally married. Similarly, Ferri et al. (2003) give up put d sustain several demographic changes which led neighborly commentators to lament the end of marriage. These include significant rises in cohabitation, divorce, lone parent families, single parent households, children born out of marriage and age of marriage. These changes, it was assumed, led to the disintegration of traditional structures and codes and in conclusion to the end of marriage.Statistical evidence indeed memorialises that there has been a long decline in marriage rates and a significant rise in cohabitation. From 1971 to 1995 first marriage rates fell by 90% for teenage women and 80% for women aged 20-24. Median age at first marriage rose from 23.4 to 27.9 yrs for men and 21.4 to 26.0 years for women (Murphy and Wang 1999). The decline in remar riage rates has been even to a greater extent than pronounced. For divorced men, the remarriage rate has fallen by 75% since 1971 (Murphy and Wang 1999). There were 311,000 marriages in the UK in 2004 and this figure fell to 270,000 in 2007. This represents virtually half the number of marriages that took place in 1972 when marriage peaked (ONS 2009).On the other hand, cohabiting is the fastest growing family type in the UK (with the proportion of cohabiting couple families change magnitude from 9% to 14% between 1996 and 2006), (ONS, 2009). Among single women marrying during the latter part of the 1990s, 77% had cohabited with their future husband, compared with 33% of those marrying during the late 1970s, and only 6% of those marrying in the late 1960s (Haskey 2001). During the 1960s, 40% of remarriages were preceded by a period of cohabitation and this reckon had soared to around 85% in 2000. (Murphy 2000). The 2001 Census recorded only if all over 2 million cohabiting cou ples in England and Wales (a 67% increase from 1991). When the new form of cohabitation arrived in the 1970s it was mainly a child-free prelude to marriage. Increasingly, children are being born to cohabiting couples. In 2006, 56% of births in England and Wales were outside of marriage compared with 8% in 19z71. (ONS, 2009). Between 1996 and 2006, the number of cohabiting couples in the UK increased by over 60%, from 1.4 million to 2.3 million, ONS, 2009). The number of cohabiting couples in England and Wales is projected to almost doubled to 3.8 million by 2031 (which will be over one in four couples on this projection). (ONS, 2009).Social theorists befool c erstwhileptualized these kinks in terms of individualization possibility. The opening which includes notions of the democratic, consensual and pure relationship (Giddens, 1992 Beck-Gernsheim, 2000) and notions of selfish individualism (Morgan, 2000), has emerged as the dominant contested theoretical approach in explaining w hether the rise in cohabitation pie-eyeds the end of marriage. agree to the antecedent, modern font society is bring ined as having entered a late modern epoch of de-traditionalisation and individualization in which traditional rules and refugeal frameworks have lost ground, only to be replaced by more than(prenominal) modern and rational rules (Beck, 1992 and Giddens, 1992, 1994). Institutional forces such(prenominal) as education, the modern economy and the offbeat state have freed individuals from externally imposed constraints, honorable codes and traditional customs, a development which Beck (1994) says is a disembedding of individual lives from the structural fabric of social institutions and age-specific norms. harmonise to Brannen and Nilsen (2005), social class no longer has the very(prenominal) structuring role that it once had. Individuals who apply to have a standard biography no longer have pre-given life trajectories and are instead compelled to reflexively study their own choices and hence create their own biographies. At the same time, the project of self, with an decennarysion on individual self-fulfillment and personal development, comes to replace relational, social aims. This results in families of choice which are diverse, fluid and unresolved, constantly chosen and re-chosen (Weeks 2001) and which Hardill, (2002) refer to as the postmodern household. In families of choice all issues are subject to negotiation and decision making (Beck and Beck- Gernsheim1995, Beck-Gernsheim 2002). Individuals are seen as preferring cohabitation to marriage because they wish to fall out their options and their negotiations open ( Wu, 2000).The individualism possibility sees modern relationships as being establish on individual fulfillment and consensual love, with intimate and emotional equality, replacing formal unions based on socially prescribed rouse activity roles. sexual urge is more often than not freed from institutional, norma tive and patriarchal control as well as from reproduction, producing a waxy sexuality, which serves more as means of self-expression and selfactualisation rather than as a means to reproduction and cementing institutionalized partnership (Giddens, 1992). Giddens argues that that such plastic sexuality as part of the project of self is realized in pure relationships an ideal type that isolates what is most characteristic for intimacy in reflexive modernity, Giddens (1991, 1992). This is pure because it is entered into for its own sake and for the satisfaction it provides to the individuals involved. The pure relationship must therefore be characterized by openness, involvement, reciprocity and closeness, and it presupposes emotional and sexual democracy and equality, Giddens (1991, 1992). According to Cherlin (2004853), the pure relationship is not tied to an institution such as marriage or the desire to raise children. Rather, it is free-floating, single-handed of social instituti ons or economic life.The individualisation theory asserts that these changes in relationships consecrate towards the de centimering of the married, co-resident, heterosexual couple. It no longer occupies the centre-ground statistically, normatively, or as a trend of life (Beck-Gernsheim, 2002 Roseneil and Budgeon, 2004). Instead other forms of alive such as cohabitation, living alone, lone parenting, same-sex partnerships, or living apart have become more common and are both experienced and perceived as as valid.However, most English-speaking commentators (e.g. Morgan, 1995, 2000, 2003 Bellah et al., 1985 Popenoe, 1993 Dnes and Rowthorne, 2002) have developed a pessimistic purview of family change. In cohabitation they have seen a moral decline and its harmful make on society, a loss of family values, individual alienation, social breakdown, rise in crime and other social ills and social, emotional and educational damage to children. For them, the trend in statistics is clea r evidence of selfish individualism and have hence advocated for turning the clock back by promoting marriage among other things. Morgan (1995) for instance, argues that without the traditional family to socialize children and in situation to provide role models and discipline for young men, delinquency and crime will escalate and society as a whole will be at risk. To avoid this social polity should seek positively to weather marriage and promote traditional gender roles for men and women. According to Morgan (2003), cohabiting relationships are fragile. They are always more apparent to break up than marriages entered into at the same time, regardless of age or income. On average, cohabitations last less than two years before rift up or converting to marriage. Less than four per cent of cohabitations last for ten years or more. She in any case believes that cohabitation should be seen primarily as a prelude to marriage only increasingly it is part of a descriptor which sim ply reflects an increase in sexual partners and partner change (Morgan, 2003127). Morgan (1999) also argues that cohabitation is concentrated among the less educated, less skilled and the unemployed.The individualization theory in its confused versions, has been seen as having its merit in terms of indicating trends in post-modern societies, but has been criticized for absent reliable methodologies and for lacking empirical and historical evidence. According to Thernborn (2004), individualisation theory should be seen as a geographically and historically expressage burlesque among the variety and long dures of socio-sexual systems. Individualisation theory is seen as vaingloriously resting on the evidence of qualitative work using purposive samples of particular social groups in particular contexts and local anestheticities. They do not frequently use representative samples or total population figures which can accurately stage overall social patterns. According to Sayer (199 2) individualization theorists have used intensive interrogation design which are indeed in-depth and able to approach social transit more directly, and understand its context but points out that such work pauperisations to be complemented by extensive research on patterns and distributions, using representative survey for example. Duncan and Edwards (1999) share the same view that the use of both intensive and extensive research designs will alter generalizations to be made. In addition intensive work will enable intermit interpretation of the representative patterns revealed by extensive work and to assort process to pattern directly rather than depending upon post-hoc deduction, (Duncan and Edwards 1999).Critics of the individualisation theory have argued that the theory underplays the significance of the social and geographical patterning of values and behaviour and neglects the wideness of local cultural and social contexts. According to Duncan and Irwin structures of e conomic necessity, social groups and moral codes have not gone away, although they may have changed. Family forms are exempt pro namely influenced by local structural conditions or contexts and although batch business leader be less constrained by older traditions, this does not inevitably mean individualisation. The traditional structures of class, gender, religion and so on have a inveterate importance, (Duncan and Irwin, 2004, 2005).Individualisation theory assumes that individuals can exercise choice and skeletal frame their lives. However, the theory has been criticized for taking insufficient account of the context in which individuals make their choices. Critics of individualisation have pointed out, bulks capacity to make choices, for example in revere of separation and divorce, must depend in large measure on their environment, whether for example, on the constraints of poverty, social class and gender, or, more positively, on the safety electronic network provid ed by the upbeat state (Lasch, 1994 Lewis, 2001a). In addition, the context in which people are making their choices is constantly shifting. indeed the meaning of what it is to be married, or to be a parent has changed and continues to change. Actors will in all likeliness be affected by these changes over their own life flux and must expect to have to re-visit the decisions they have made, for example in detect of the division of paid and unpaid work, especially at critical points of diversity such as parenthood. Charles and Harris (2004) have argued that choices regarding work/life balance are divergent at different states of the lifecycle.The individualization theory in its various versions, has been seen as having its merit in terms of indicating trends in post-modern societies, but has been criticized for lacking reliable methodologies and for lacking empirical and historical evidence. According to Thernborn (2004), individualisation theory should be seen as a geographic ally and historically limited exaggeration among the variety and long dures of socio-sexual systems. Individualisation theory is seen as largely resting on the evidence of qualitative work using purposive samples of particular social groups in particular contexts and localities. They do not often use representative samples or total population figures which can accurately portray overall social patterns. According to Sayer (1992) individualization theorists have used intensive research design which are indeed in-depth and able to access social process more directly, and understand its context but points out that such work needs to be complemented by extensive research on patterns and distributions, using representative survey for example. Duncan and Edwards (1999) share the same view that the use of both intensive and extensive research designs will enable generalizations to be made. In addition intensive work will enable fall apart interpretation of the representative patterns reve aled by extensive work and to link process to pattern directly rather than depending upon post-hoc deduction, (Duncan and Edwards 1999).Critics of the individualisation theory have argued that the theory underplays the significance of the social and geographical patterning of values and behaviour and neglects the importance of local cultural and social contexts. According to Duncan and Irwin structures of economic necessity, social groups and moral codes have not gone away, although they may have changed. Family forms are remedy deeply influenced by local structural conditions or contexts and although people might be less constrained by older traditions, this does not necessarily mean individualisation. The traditional structures of class, gender, religion and so on have a continuing importance, (Duncan and Irwin, 2004, 2005).Individualisation theory assumes that individuals can exercise choice and shape their lives. However, the theory has been criticized for taking insufficient a ccount of the context in which individuals make their choices. Critics of individualisation have pointed out, peoples capacity to make choices must depend in large measure on their environment, whether for example, on the constraints of poverty, social class and gender, or, more positively, on the safety net provided by the welfare state (Lasch, 1994 Lewis, 2001a). According to Lupton and Tulloch, (2002), peoples choices may depend in part on the consideration they give to the welfare of others, and on how far others influence the way in which they frame their choices. In addition, the context in which people are making their choices is constantly shifting. Thus the meaning of what it is to be married, or to be a parent has changed and continues to change. Charles and Harris (2004) have argued that choices regarding work/life balance are different at different states of the lifecycle.Scholars have examined public attitudes towards marriage and cohabitation in order to assess whether the trends in statistics confirm the deinstitutionalisation of marriage (Cherlin, 1994), in which an increase in the acceptability of cohabitation can be interpreted as evidence for weakening of the social norms. utilise data from a number of British Social Attitude Surveys, Barlow et. al. found clear evidence of changing public attitudes. More and more people in the United Kingdom were accepting cohabitation both as a partnering and parenting structure, regardless of whether it is undertaken as a prelude or alternative to marriage. In 1994, 70 per cent agreed that People who want children ought to get married, but by 2000 almost half (54 per cent) apprehension that there was no need to get married in order to have children cohabitation was good enough. They found increasingly liberal attitudes to pre-marital sex, with the proportion mooting that it was not wrong at all increasing from 42 per cent in 1984 to 62 per cent in 2000. By 2000 more than two-thirds of respondents (67 pe r cent) agreed it was all right for a couple to live together without intending to get married, and 56 per cent thought it was a good idea for a couple who intend to get married to live together first.Studies by Dyer (1999) and Barlow et al. (2005) found there was a clear difference in attitudes towards cohabitation from young and old generations, indicating a shift in social viewpoint to an acceptance of cohabitation. The younger age groups were more likely to find cohabitation acceptable than older age groups, but all age groups had moved some way towards greater acceptance of pre-marital sex and cohabitation. Barlow et al. argue that over time there is a strong likeliness that society will become more liberal still on these matters, although particular groups, such as the religious, are likely to remain more traditional than the rest. This change in public attitude is echoed by former Home Secretary, Jack Straw who was quoted in the Daily Mail as saying the important thing is th e quality of the relationship, not the institution itself (Daily Mail, sixteenth June, 1999). This acceptance in politics as well as in society is probably one reason why people aver into cohabitation. Barlow et a. suggest Britain will probably move towards a Norse pattern, therefore, where long- term cohabitation is widely seen as quite normal, and where marriage is more of a lifestyle choice than an expected part of life.Barlow et al, however, do not interpret the public attitudes to indicate the breakdown or end of marriage as a respected institution. In the 2000 survey, 59 per cent agreed that marriage is still the best kind of relationship. A mere 9 per cent agreed that there is no point getting married it is only a piece of paper, while 73 per cent disagreed. Despite the increasing acceptance of cohabitation, Barlow et al. therefore argue that, overall, marriage is still widely set as an ideal, but that it is regarded with much more ambivalence when it comes to everyday pa rtnering and parenting. opus only 28 per cent agree that married couples make better parents, just 40 per cent disagree figures virtually unchanged since 2000, (Barlow et al, 2005)According to Barlow et al. (2005), there is a body of qualitative research that shows that for many cohabitants, living together is seen as a form of marriage rather than an alternative. Moreover, just as the majority think that sex outside marriage is wrong, the same applies to sex outside cohabitation the large majority of cohabitants, over 80 per cent, think that sex outside a cohabiting relationship is wrong, (Erens et al., 2003). These findings give little support to the notion that many people cohabit outside marriage because cohabitation is more congruent with a project of the self, as individualisation theory would have it (Hall, 1996). Instead research seems to indicate that many traditional norms about relationships still hold true and cohabitation is seen as the equivalent of marriage. Accordi ng to Barlow et al, (2008), cohabitation is socially judge as equivalent to marriage and whilst marriage is seen as ideal, social attitudes show great tolerance to different styles of partnering and parenting relationships.